2017年11月12日星期天，（左起）美国总统特朗普，菲律宾总统杜特尔特，合作伙伴谢里托·阿文卡纳和中国国务院总理李克强，在菲律宾马尼拉举行的东盟50周年特别庆祝会开始之前合影留念。 这次庆祝活动标志着东南亚国家联盟成立五十周年。 （美联社/艾伦法维拉）

中国国家主席习近平在中共十九大报告中郑重呼吁：“各国人民同心协力，构建人类命运共同体，建设持久和平、普遍安全、共同繁荣、开放包容、清洁美丽的世界。”推动人类命运共同体建设，共同创造人类的美好未来，已经成为中国对外关系中的一项根本目标。

人类命运共同体只能是全球化向纵深发展的产物，其构建是人类发展进程的大势所趋，是涵盖政治、安全、经济、社会、文化、生态等多领域的综合性系统工程。人类命运共同体是在联合国的基础上发展起来，还是另起炉灶，建立新的全球合作架构？显而易见，这不是在现阶段能够预测和提供答案的问题。但无论如何，从推出理念到建成实体，需要以一个地区合作组织或已经形成的多边国际机制为依托。

构建人类命运共同体，既是中国提出的长远目标，又是中国责无旁贷的全球责任。提出这个设想，标志着中国同外部世界关系和中国国际战略思想的重大转变。但是，共同体不会从天而降，而是需要中国号召、引领与协调，同时找到一个落脚点。在博鳌亚洲论坛2015年年会上，习近平主席在演讲中指出：“面对风云变幻的国际和地区形势，我们要把握好世界大势，跟上时代潮流，共同营造对亚洲、对世界都更为有利的地区秩序，通过迈向亚洲命运共同体，推动建设人类命运共同体”。2016年11月19日，习近平主席在亚太经合组织工商领导人峰会上的主旨演讲中又指出：“地瓜的藤蔓向四面八方延伸，但它的块茎始终长在根基位置。同样道理，无论发展到什么程度，中国都将扎根亚太、建设亚太、造福亚太。”

我们认为，中国在同世界各国共同构筑人类命运共同体的进程中，应当从中国和周边国家的合作起步，扎根亚太，由近及远地向外拓展，形成亚太命运共同体，从而为全人类的命运共同体打下基础，并提供借鉴和榜样。我们提出这一设想的根据是：

第一，中国的经济腾飞起步于亚太，首要安全关切也在亚太。

中国的改革开放，首先借鉴的是“东亚四小龙”（中国香港、中国台湾、韩国、新加坡）和日本的发展经验，然后将对外经贸关系拓展到整个亚太地区，及至整个世界。2016年中国大陆与亚太其他国家和地区的贸易额占中国大陆对外贸易总额的58.7%；中国大陆的前十大贸易伙伴中，有八个（美国、东盟、中国香港、日本、韩国、中国台湾、澳大利亚、俄罗斯）位于亚太地区。

中国的国家统一、领土完整和周边安全有赖于亚太地区的和平与稳定。台湾问题事关中国统一大业和中华民族的伟大复兴。朝核问题涉及中国的重大安全利益，中国绝不能坐视朝鲜半岛发生战争和动乱。中国同若干邻国在东海、南海和青藏高原等地区的领土和海洋权益纠纷尚待解决，个别大国利用这些纠纷阻碍中国崛起的图谋值得警惕。

第二，亚太地区在世界经济、国际安全和全球治理中的重要性持续上升。截至2016年底，亚太地区的人口占世界总人口的54.47%。据估算，到2020年亚太地区的国内生产总值将占世界经济总量的2/3和全球贸易的1/2，届时亚太地区将成为名副其实的世界经济中心。同样值得注意的是，到2020年亚太地区的军事开支将增长至全球军事总开支的3/4。一旦本地区发生大国战略对抗或大规模战争，将给全球稳定带来毁灭性的破坏。同时，鉴于亚太地区的重要地位，消除恐怖主义和极端主义的威胁、保护生态环境、维护公共卫生、打击走私贩毒和非法移民等全球治理问题，也必须靠建立和完善亚太地区的合作机制来解决。

第三，近几十年来，特别是冷战结束之后，以东盟为代表的亚太区域合作机制和组织获得了巨大的发展空间，也取得了举世瞩目的成就。不过，现有的任何亚太区域合作机制都难以在政治、安全、经济、文化、生态等方面充分发挥作用，更不足以承担构建亚太命运共同体的重任。现有的区域组织和机制，都存在较大的局限性。冷战时期建立的美国和日本、韩国、澳大利亚等双边军事同盟关系，都没有考虑到美国主导的安全体系之外的国家的安全关切，更不利于缓解地区军备竞赛和中美两国之间的战略互疑。在这种形势下，设计一个包括本地区所有国家的综合性、全方位的亚太合作机制，进行可行性研究，是构建亚太命运共同体的必要前提。

不少国家的领导人和战略家都提出过地区共同体构想，都借鉴了现存的欧盟、东盟或美欧紧密合作（“大西洋共同体”）的经验，但都没有提出更加具体的设想，例如本地区的地理范围是什么，哪些国家应当参加，共同体的目标、任务、组织形式是什么，建立的步骤和时间框架是什么，等等。

我们认为，在新形势下提出亚太共同体设想，应当充实其内容，有利于实现以下目标：（一）深化区域经济合作与一体化，整合现有的经济合作机制，使之涵盖整个亚太地区和主要经济领域。（二）缓和中美之间日益激烈的地缘战略竞争，改善区域内某些国家之间的关系。（三）尽快实现朝鲜半岛无核化，加强对核不扩散的承诺。（四）和平解决领土和其他国际争端，减少区域内武装冲突和军备竞赛的危险。（五）有效应对各类非传统安全问题，遏制极端主义倾向和恐怖活动。（六）促进文明间对话，加强人文、教育、科技交流，构建本地区的共享价值观。

构建亚太共同体的路径，首要的是观念先行。目前，本地区国家对“亚洲”和“亚太”概念的界定和使用存在较大差异。2017年11月美国总统特朗普在访问亚洲期间，反复提到了“印太地区”（Indo-Pacific region）的概念，大有用“印太”取代“亚太”之势。美国国务卿蒂勒森等官员在此前后的表态，说明“印太”概念的提出是经过美国等国家长远战略谋划的，有明显“抬印抑华”的意图。因此，观念先行，意味着本地区主要国家需要在亚太地区的界定上达成基本共识。

在目前条件下，解决这一政治概念问题的相对简单可行的办法，是以现有的某一个（或少数几个）包容性较强的地区多边协商机制为基础，构筑出一个对话平台。美国亚洲协会政策研究院院长、澳大利亚前总理陆克文牵头撰写的一项关于亚太地区安全架构的报告，提出以东亚峰会为基础构建多边安全机制，不失为一个较好的倡议。东亚峰会由东盟十国、中日韩三国、东亚外五国（美国、俄罗斯、澳大利亚、新西兰、印度）组成，有较大代表性，近年来有比较明显的进展。

习近平主席在十九大报告中对人类命运共同体的目标、核心和内涵作了明确的阐释。亚太共同体的构建无疑要从属于人类命运共同体的总体目标。形成本地区各国人民都认同的亚太共同体观念需要一个长期的过程，不可能一蹴而就。我们应当保持明确的方向感和坚定的信心，为实现人类命运共同体的远大理想砥砺前行。

From left U.S. President Donald Trump, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte, his partner Cielito Avencana and Chinese Premier Li Keqiang pose for a photo before the start of the Special Gala Celebration of the 50th Anniversary of ASEAN in Manila, Philippines on Sunday, Nov. 12, 2017. The gala marks the 50th anniversary of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. (AP/Aaron Favila)

At the 19th CPC National Congress, General Secretary Xi Jinping called on “the people of all countries to work together to build a community with a shared future for mankind, to build an open, inclusive, clean, and beautiful world that enjoys lasting peace, universal security, and common prosperity.” Promoting efforts to build a community with a shared future for mankind has become a fundamental goal of Chinese foreign relations.

A community with a shared future for mankind can only be the product of further globalization. Its construction is the general trend of human development. The community will be a comprehensively systematic project covering, but not limited to, politics, security, economics, society, culture, and ecology. Should this community be built upon the United Nations, or a brand-new framework for global cooperation? This is not a question that can be answered at the current stage. Whatever the case, from concept-generation to entity-building, it has to be based on a regional organization or multilateral institution which is already in place.

Building this community is both a long-term goal put forward by China and its responsibility as a global power. The proposition of this goal marks a significant change in China's relations with the outside world and its international strategic thinking. Such a community will not come from nowhere, but will require China to guide and coordinate it. At the Boao Forum for Asia Annual Conference in 2015, President Xi emphasized that “Facing the fast changing international and regional landscapes, we must see the whole picture, follow the trend of our times and jointly build a regional order that is more favorable to Asia and the world. We should, through efforts towards such a community for Asia, promote a community of common interest for all mankind.” During the APEC CEO Summit the following year, President Xi reiterated that “the vines of sweet potato may stretch in all directions, but they all grow out of its roots. Similarly, no matter what level of development it may reach, China, with its root in the Asia-Pacific, will continue to contribute to its development and prosperity. China is committed to peaceful development and a win-win strategy of opening-up. While striving for its own development, China will also work to promote the common development of all Asia-Pacific countries and create more opportunities for people in our region.”

To build such a community, China should start by cooperating with neighboring countries to create an Asia-Pacific community and then extend its efforts further to lay the foundation for a broader global community, with a shared future. There are several reasons for this.

First, as China's economic success and growth started from the Asia-Pacific, its foremost security concerns are also in the Asia-Pacific.

China's reform and opening-up initially drew on the development experience of the “Four Little Dragons of East Asia,” as well as Japan. It then extended its economic relations to the entire Asia-Pacific, and then the world. In 2016, the Chinese mainland's trade with other parts of the Asia-Pacific accounted for 58.7 percent of its global total. Eight of its top ten trading partners are in the Asia-Pacific region.

Peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific is important for China's national unity, territorial integrity, and peripheral security. To be specific, the Taiwan issue has implications on China's national unity and efforts at national rejuvenation. Additionally, the North Korean nuclear issue concerns China's major security interests. China will not sit aside if the Korean Peninsula is engulfed in war and chaos. While China's territorial and maritime disputes with several neighboring countries remain unresolved, we should be aware of the attempts of some major countries to use these disputes as hindrance to China's rise.

Second, the Asia-Pacific's importance is increasing constantly as part of the world economy, and in international security and global governance. By the end of 2016, the Asia-Pacific region was inhabited by 54.47 percent of the world's population. According to some estimates, by 2020 the Asia-Pacific region will account for two-thirds of global GDP and half of global trade, demonstrating the emerging economic centrality of this region. By 2020, the region's share of global military spending will likely have grown to nearly three-fourths. Major wars or strategic confrontations in this region, if they occur, could prove catastrophic. In addition, given the importance of the Asia-Pacific region, building and perfecting regional cooperation mechanisms in the region is indispensable for such global governance issues, such as eliminating the threats from terrorism and extremism, protecting the ecological environment, safeguarding public health, and cracking down on drug-trafficking and illegal immigration.

Third, in the past few decades, especially since the end of the Cold War, Asia-Pacific regional cooperation mechanisms and organizations represented by ASEAN have made great achievements. However, as of today, no existing regional cooperation mechanism in the Asia-Pacific is capable of engaging in the full spectrum of security, economic, political, cultural, and ecological matters, nor can they take the responsibility to build an Asia-Pacific community with a shared future. All of the existing regional organizations have limitations. The bilateral military alliances the U.S. has established with Japan, South Korea and Australia have not taken into consideration the security concerns of countries outside the U.S. security system. These alliances are adverse to mitigating the arms race in the region, and reducing strategic mutual distrust between China and the U.S. Under such circumstances, the necessary preconditions for building an Asia-Pacific community with a shared future are: designing a comprehensive and multi-dimensional cooperation mechanism in the Asia-Pacific that includes all regional countries, and conducting feasibility studies.

Leaders and strategists in many of the Asia-Pacific countries have proposed the concept of a regional community, such as the “East Asia Economic Group,” “New Pacific Community,” “Asia Pacific Community,” “East Asian Community,” and “Pacific Community.” Yet they haven't put forward more specific proposals addressing things like the region's geographical scope and organizational structure, which countries should be included, what their common goals are, and a timeframe for building the community.

The Asia-Pacific Community should serve to achieve the following objectives: 1) to deepen and institutionalize regional economic cooperation and integration, 2) to mitigate the increasingly intensive geo-strategic competition between China and the U.S., and improve relations among countries in the region, 3) to denuclearize the Korean Peninsula as soon as possible, and reinforce the commitment to nuclear non-proliferation, 4) to bolster commitment to peaceful settlement of territorial disputes and reduce the dangers of armed conflict and arms races, 5) to cope more effectively with nontraditional security issues and extremism and, 6) to promote civilizational dialogues, cultural exchanges, and jointly formulate shared values for the region.

Building an Asia-Pacific community must start with ideas. Currently, countries in the region differ considerably in defining and using the terms “Asia” and “Asia-Pacific.” During his Asia visit in November, U.S. President Donald Trump repeatedly mentioned the concept “Indo-Pacific region” as a possible replacement for “Asia-Pacific.” Some argue that the use of this term is planned by the U.S. and other countries with the intention of “lifting India and suppressing China.” Major countries in the area need to reach a basic consensus on the definition of the Asia-Pacific region.

Under current conditions, a relatively simple and feasible solution is to build a dialogue platform based on a certain (or a few) existing multilateral negotiation mechanism. Former Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd's proposal to build a multilateral security mechanism on the basis of the East Asia Summit is a sensible one. The East Asia Summit composed of ASEAN countries, China, Japan and South Korea, as well as five other countries (the U.S., Russia, Australia, New Zealand, India) is quite representative, and has achieved significant progress in recent years.

President Xi gave a comprehensive explanation of the goal and purpose of a community with a shared future for mankind in his report to the 19th CPC National Congress. The construction of the Asia-Pacific community is undoubtedly subordinate to the overall goal of building a community with a shared future for mankind. Forming the concept of an Asia-Pacific community that all countries in the region can embrace will be a long-term project. We should keep a clear sense of direction in striving for the building of a community with a shared future for mankind.