迈克·蓬佩奥（图片来源：视觉中国）

5月6日，第11届北极理事会部长级会议在芬兰罗瓦涅米召开。美国国务卿蓬佩奥打破惯例，在正式会议前发表题为《向北看：突出美国的北极焦点》的北极政策讲话，矛头直指中俄。这一遭到广泛质疑和批评的讲话不仅危言耸听，将北极称为“权力和竞争的竞技场”，搅动地区安全局势，而且颠倒黑白，恶意抹黑中国在北极的正当活动。蓬佩奥的讲话至少存在三点谬误：

第一、歪曲中国的“近北极国家”定位。蓬佩奥否认中国“近北极国家”的定位，认为除北极国家和非北极国家外，不存在第三种分类。根据1996年《渥太华宣言》，北极理事会八个成员国是北极国家，非北极国家可以享有北极理事会观察员地位。中国在2018年《中国的北极政策》白皮书中明确声明，遵守申请成为北极理事会观察员时所作的承诺，同时主张中国是“近北极国家”。这一主张有三层含义。一是该定位主要基于地理考虑，即中国是陆上距离北极圈最近的国家之一。这里的“最近”是以其他非北极国家为参照，是相对标准而非绝对距离概念。二是中国并非要在北极国家和非北极国家之外设立第三种国家地位，更不是意图在北极主张特殊的权利或利益，而是按照地理远近对非北极国家的再分类，是非北极国家中的“近北极国家”。这并不违反任何国际法或国际条约的规定，也不会损害北极国家现有权利。三是中国虽属非北极国家，但北极自然环境变化对中国有直接影响，北极航道和资源开发攸关中国的经济发展利益。所以，相较于其他一些非北极国家，中国更加关注北极事务，希望利用自身资金、技术和市场等方面优势，在非北极国家参与北极开发和治理中发挥作用。

第二、无视中国参与北极事务的权利。蓬佩奥认为，作为北极理事会观察员，尊重北极国家领土主权是中国参与北极活动的前提和义务。却他只字不提中国在北极的权利。中国一向本着“尊重、合作、共赢、可持续”的基本原则参与北极事务，但这种尊重是相互的。一方面，中国须遵守《联合国海洋法公约》等国际法和国际条约，尊重北极国家在北极的主权、主权权利和管辖权，承认北极域外国家在北极不享有领土主权。另一方面，北极国家也需尊重中国等非北极国家依据国际法和国际条约在北极开展活动的权利和自由，特别是根据《联合国海洋法公约》在北冰洋公海所享有的开展科学研究、航行和飞越的自由和进行捕鱼作业、铺设海底电缆和管道等的权利，在国际海底区域享有的资源勘探开发的权利，以及根据《斯匹次卑尔根群岛条约》所享有的自由进出北极特定区域和从事科研、狩猎、捕鱼、采矿等活动的权利。中国参与北极事务的权利不是某些北极国家的“恩赐”，而是国际法和国际条约所赋予的，任何国家都不应该也不能关闭北极合作的大门，将中国拒之门外。

第三、声称中国通过基础设施建设和科研活动等强化在北极的安全存在和军事影响，甚至将“一带一路”项目抹黑为地区“动乱之源”。事实上，随着气候变暖和海冰消融速度加快，北极资源和航道开发利用前景受到域内外国家的广泛关注。近年来，中国积极推进“一带一路”倡议下的北极国际合作，与各方共建“冰上丝绸之路”，得到北极多国积极响应。中国企业和科研机构与俄罗斯等国的企业和机构在极地科学研究、近海油气开发、北极航道运输等领域开展一系列合作。例如芬兰和挪威均邀请中方参与“北极走廊”项目基础设施建设，中俄合作的亚马尔“北极液化天然气”项目提前6个月投入运营。实践足以证明，中国不是北极的“麻烦制造者”，而是“机遇创造者”。中国参与北极不是“不请自来”、“来者不善”，而是同舟共济、相得益彰。

Mike Pompeo（Picture：VCG）

On May 6th, the 11th Ministerial Meeting of the Arctic Council — the intergovernmental forum for handling matters of importance to the Arctic region — was held in Rovaniemi, Finland. US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo broke with normal practice and delivered a speech before the official meeting entitled “Looking North: Sharpening America's Arctic Focus,” which targeted China and Russia. The speech was not only alarmist but suggested that the Arctic has become an arena for great power competition, thereby agitating the security situation in the region. The speech has been widely questioned and criticized for maliciously discrediting China's legitimate activities in the Arctic. The speech contained at least three falsehoods or misrepresentations:

First, it distorts the details of China's claim to be a “near-Arctic state.” Pompeo denied the fact that China is a near-Arctic state and claimed that no third category exists, only Artic States and Non-Arctic States. According to the 1996 Ottawa Declaration, members of the Arctic Council are the eight Arctic States, with observer status open to Non-Arctic States. China's 2018 Arctic Policy White Paper clearly states the commitments it made when applying to become an Arctic Council observer, while claiming that China is a near-Arctic state. This claim consists of three component: First, geographically, China is one of the continental states that are closest to the Arctic Circle. This is a recent reference to other Non-Arctic States and is a relative standard rather than a concept of absolute distance. Second, China does not want to establish a third kind of status equivalent to Arctic States and Non-Arctic States; furthermore, China has no intention of claiming special rights or interests in the Arctic. What China seeks to do is to subdivide the Non-Arctic States according to geographical location.This does not violate any international laws or international treaty provisions, nor does it undermine the existing rights of the Arctic States. Third, although China is a Non-Arctic State, the natural conditions of the Arctic and their changes have a direct impact on China. The waterways and resource development of the Arctic are of relevance to China's economic development. Therefore, compared to some other Non-Arctic States, China pays a lot of attention to Arctic affairs and hopes to use its own capital, technology, and market advantages to play a role in Non-Arctic States' participation in Arctic development and governance.

Second, it ignores China's right to participate in Arctic affairs. Pompeo believes that as an Arctic Council observer, respecting the territorial sovereignty of Arctic States is a prerequisite and obligation for China to participate in Arctic activities — but he ignores China's own rights in the Arctic. China has always participated in Arctic affairs in accordance with the basic principles of respect, cooperation, win-win results, and sustainability. But respect should be reciprocal. China abides by international laws and international treaties such as the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), respects the sovereignty, sovereign rights, and jurisdiction enjoyed by the Arctic States, and recognizes that Non-Arctic States do not enjoy territorial sovereignty in the region. However, Arctic States should also respect the rights and freedoms of Non-Arctic States such as China to carry out activities in the region in accordance with international laws and international treaties. In particular, scientific research on the high seas of the Arctic Ocean in accordance with UNCLOS, the right to navigation, overflight, fishing, and the laying of underwater cables and pipelines, and the right to explore and exploit resources in the international seabed area, as well as the liberty to access certain areas of the Arctic near Svalbard in accordance with the Spitsbergen Treaty and the right to engage in research, hunting, fishing, and mining activities. Therefore, China's right to participate in Arctic affairs is not a gift bestowed by certain Arctic States, but rather is conferred by international laws and international treaties. No country should — and no country can — close the door on Arctic cooperation to shut out China.

Third, Pompeo claimed that China has strengthened its security presence and military influence in the Arctic through infrastructure construction and scientific research activities, and even smeared the Belt and Road project as a source of regional unrest. In fact, with the warming of the climate and accelerated ice melt, the prospects for the development and utilization of Arctic resources and waterways are of great concern to countries inside and outside the region. In recent years, China has been praised by many countries in the Arctic for actively promoting international cooperation on Arctic research under the Belt and Road Initiative and working with all parties in its proposal to build a “Polar Silk Road” through infrastructure development in the region. Chinese enterprises and scientific research institutions, in partnership with counterparts from Russia and elsewhere, have carried out a series of cooperative projects, including polar science research, offshore oil and gas development, and Arctic waterways transportation. For example, Finland and Norway both invited China to participate in infrastructure construction via the Arctic Corridor project, while the China-Russia Yamal liquefied natural gas (LNG) and Arctic LNG-2 projects were put into operation six months ahead of schedule. Experience has shown that China is not a troublemaker in the Arctic but rather an opportunity creator. China's participation in the Arctic is not uninvited and China has come with good intentions. We are all in the same boat, have common interests, and we bring out the best in each other in this changing and vital region of the world.